The terrorist attacks on April 22nd, 2025, on the visiting tourists at Pahalgam (Kashmir) and merciless killings on the basis of their religious identity indicates the aim of Pakistan to incite communal violence in India besides bleeding India through a continuous proxy war.
What this session covered
Recorded against the backdrop of the April terrorist attack on tourists at Pahalgam and the India–Pakistan hostilities that followed India's Operation Sindoor, this session examined how Bangladesh has reacted to the confrontation. After an opening survey by the session host, the discussion took the form of a moderated conversation with a single guest speaker, a researcher specialising in Bangladesh, with the host intervening with questions of his own. The speaker described the caretaker government in Dhaka as publicly cautious and neutral — keeping communication channels open with both neighbours while instructing police and border guards to stay vigilant along the districts bordering India — but characterised popular sentiment, particularly among younger people and Islamist groups, as strongly pro-Pakistan and anti-India, citing an Islamist-organised rally in Dhaka during the hostilities.
Much of the conversation concerned growing external activity in Bangladesh. The discussion covered reported visits by Pakistani military and intelligence officials, said to have included tours of military installations, and the reported arrival of a Pakistani ship at Chittagong. On China, the speaker described an aggressive economic ingress, including the proposed revival of a Second World War-era airfield close to the Siliguri corridor and infrastructure projects near India's border, which the moderator assessed as a potential strategic threat. The speaker also flagged militant organisations — Lashkar-e-Taiba's front bodies and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh among them — as active concerns for West Bengal and the north-eastern states, referring to a recently reported arrest of a JMB module in West Bengal whose members were said to have a Pakistani handler. The suspension of India–Bangladesh rail and road connectivity projects, and India's exploration of alternatives through Bhutan and Nepal and via the Kaladan multimodal route through the Sittwe port, were discussed as consequences of the changed relationship, alongside the spread of illegal migration and Rohingya settlement well beyond the border states.
On Bangladesh's internal politics, the speaker described a three-way power struggle among Islamist groupings, the BNP and the army, with elections postponed and the Awami League banned — a ban the speaker argued was a personal vendetta against Sheikh Hasina and the legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman rather than a political move. Asked whether India should continue to give asylum to Sheikh Hasina, the speaker argued that it should, presenting her as an icon of the founding idea of Bangladesh and contending that handing her over would change nothing, since anti-India hostility already binds the country's Islamist forces to Pakistan. The speaker also suggested the army could play a decisive role in pressing for an early, inclusive election.
Key points raised
- The Bangladesh caretaker government was described as publicly neutral on the India-Pakistan hostilities, while the speaker characterised popular sentiment, especially among youth and Islamist groups, as strongly pro-Pakistan and anti-India.
- Reported Pakistani military and intelligence outreach to Dhaka, and Chinese economic activity including the proposed revival of an airfield near the Siliguri corridor, were discussed as strategic concerns for India.
- Militant networks, including Lashkar-e-Taiba-linked bodies and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, were flagged as active threats in West Bengal and India's north-east, with reference to a recently reported JMB arrest in West Bengal.
- The suspension of India-Bangladesh connectivity projects and India's search for alternatives through Bhutan, Nepal and the Kaladan route via Sittwe were reviewed as consequences of the changed relationship.
- The speaker argued that India should continue to give asylum to Sheikh Hasina, describing her as emblematic of Bangladesh's founding idea, and described the Awami League ban as a personal vendetta rather than a political move.
- Bangladesh's internal situation was described as a power struggle among Islamist groupings, the BNP and the army, with the speaker suggesting the army wants an early and inclusive election.
Session transcript
This transcript is auto-generated from the session recording and lightly edited for punctuation and readability; it may contain transcription errors. The video remains the authoritative record.
Read the full transcript
Hello viewers, I'm C. Paul saying President NISSMAT at this end. You know most of them must be knowing, must be seeing, must be listening to the videos and podcast presented by NISSMAT. We have covered lot number of subjects, topical as well as literary, as well as on safety, security, management and other important subjects. This evening we are going to discuss on the subject of Indo-Pak conflict, recent conflict, and the reaction of Bangladesh. Before we discuss the reaction of Bangladesh in the context of this conflict, let me recapitulate the details of this conflict briefly.
On April 22nd, terrorists of the terrorist resistance force or resistance organization, which was a module of Lashkar, backed a force by Pakistani elements, struck near Pahalgam on the visiting tourists. These terrorists mercilessly killed and butchered about 26 persons after asking their religious identity. The idea was to incite criminal violence in the country, that is in India. However, the intention of Pakistan was totally flouted, as in the valley almost all the people, irrespective of their religion, they strongly condemned this barbaric attack on the tourist. The terrorist resistance force claimed responsibility for this attack and also expressed earlier. It has expressed discontentment with the move of the government of India to send a large number of outsiders to settle down in Kashmir valley. They were trying to change the demography of the state.
After this brutal attack, after due deliberation, India launched Operation Sindoor. This operation was actually conceived to punish the perpetrators as well as the planners of the terrorist attack at Pahalgam. The targets were selected in their operations, and to destroy terrorists camps, hideouts and training sites inside Pakistan without causing any damage or attacking the military bases or civilian sites in Pakistan. However, some or the other it was not taken as a sort of lesson by the Pakistan, and Pakistan reacted by hitting, shelling areas inside India close to the line of control, including some religious places and gurdwaras. India's retaliatory response to this particular action of Pakistan included attack on radar installation inside Lahore and other military and radar facilities inside Pakistan, inflicted by heavy damages. Ultimately Pakistan director general of military operations called up director general of military operation India to come to a ceasefire.
Some international leaders and some other countries like USA, Turkey and China also played their own role in this conflict by giving statements or by helping to some extent Pakistan. Most of the Arab nations did not support either side, but they certainly condemned and castigated the terrorist attacks. But Balochistan requested India in this process to recognize it as an independent country. Since the aim of Pakistan was and also continues to be to incite criminal disharmony in India, it is worthwhile to consider what has been and what could be the reaction of Bangladesh in this situation.
The new regime of Bangladesh has remained almost silent so far as far as the present conflict between the two countries is concerned. Probably they have remained silent in their own interest so as to keep good relations with India. How are the Islamic groups in Bangladesh who was holding a sway in Bangladesh at present, they are doubtful characters. It is important for India at this time to watch out for the developing situation in Bangladesh itself, where Hindu community was target by radical elements. There's also some resentment against India on the issue of providing asylum to Sheikh Hasina in India, in view of Islamics, radical groups holding sway inside Bangladesh. It is to be watched as to how the radical elements in Pakistan and Bangladesh may could join hands to encourage further terrorism in India at some stage. The border between Bangladesh and India may also need some strict watch by India in at this point of time, as you never know as to how these radical Islamics they react to this.
Dr. Sanjita Bhattacharya is an expert scholar on the subject of Bangladesh. She is a research scholar and based in New Delhi. She writes extensively on sociopolitical issues of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. Her articles and commentaries have been published in East Asia Forum, Australia, Quent, Cabbell Times and First Post. In one of her articles, she had maintained and mentioned that Bangladesh is presently, quote unquote, in the eye of storms. These are the words of Dr., who would like to have her views on the likely reaction of Bangladesh immediately or in the coming times, in view of the prevailing tension at present between India and Pakistan. The moderator of this session, this month moderator is Major General Deepak Mataray, who knows backward about the insurgency in and around India. He shall interact with our learned speaker Dr. Sanjita Bhattacharya on this subject. I request General Deepak to please take the water cost forward.
Thank you sir. Firstly may I call you Sanjita? Yes sure sir. Sure. Well thanks. You know it's very ironical that in 1971 when it was East Pakistan, the Pakistan army had created genocide there in East Pakistan, killing a large number of people, rapes and murders, and all the intellectuals were killed, and about 1 million East Pakistanis that time came into India. This forced us to go in for an operation. And by the end of 1971 we created, India created a new country, that was Bangladesh, with 93,000 prisoners of the Pakistani. The locals of Bangladesh, they also assisted in establishing the regime, the country of Bangladesh.
Now it's very ironical that till the time the previous prime minister Sheikh Hasina was in power, India had very good relationship with Bangladesh. With the change in the regime, the present regime, they have shown a different light altogether. They have shown their sort of a bias towards Pakistan, the same country which had carried out genocide. And now as Mr. Cass Singh had mentioned, during this we had carried out this operation lately in Pakistan. Only two countries where they showed a lot of interest or they showed the support to Pakistan, that was China as well as Turkey. Yes. But there was no deep from Bangladesh. Mhm. And with the Bangladesh, they have been, the present regime has been you know targeting the minorities and Hindus in particular. Would do you feel, Mr. Seal has brought out, it going to be a change, or what was the reaction of the people of Bangladesh to Operation Sindoor?
Okay sir. First of all I would like to thank NISSMAT for inviting me, and I hope our discussion would be very engaging and fruitful for us and also for our viewers. So with respect to Operation Sindoor, one we can say that Bangladesh has actually kept its communication channel open with Pakistan. Yunus and its government has been very cautious actually, you know, in playing a sort of a centrist position. Yunus gave a statement that we are with both our neighbors and we want this differences to be resolved. So this was his official statement which he gave. But at the same time, at the operational level, the Bangladeshi police and the border guards were given instructions to be very vigilant in and around the 30 bordering districts of India and Bangladesh. That has also taken place. Okay.
But as you rightly mentioned sir, the public sentiment, no, is extremely opposite of what the government of Bangladesh is saying. Government of Bangladesh is trying to put itself in the position of neutrality, but at the same time the people, the public opinion, especially of the youngsters and all these radical forces, is absolutely pro Pakistan. And we have been seeing while this operation was going on there was a rally which was organized by all these Islamist groups in Dhaka. Actually the topic of the issue of the rally was different, it was related to women's commission and everything, but there was a strong anti-India sentiment within the participants of that rally and in those protest movement. So as I was mentioning there is a very difference. Yunus being a political figure is very much playing a very sort of a neutral diplomatic role, but the sentiment of the country is completely in opposition of what he's saying. Yes. Yes. Yes.
Now second point is, you see, the present chief of the army staff, now he is a field master in Pakistan, he has said there's a lot of difference between Hindus and Muslims. Now lately, I think about a month back, senior Pakistan officers, army officers, along with the ISI have made a visit to Bangladesh. Yes. Now they, you know, as I've also got a report to say that certain training elements from Pakistan have also come into Bangladesh to train the Bangladesh army. So you know the linkage between Pakistan and Bangladesh is increasing. As a matter of fact one ship, yes, yes, Pakistan is also, it has arrived in Chittagong port. Yes. For the first time I think after 71. Now with this radicalization of the public and Pakistan, and also the Islamist having a sway in Bangladesh, as Mr. Se passing out of the border with a large influx of people coming in, with the wrong, and the Bangladesh coming into states be Tripura, Meghalaya, Assam, Bengal. Is there a possibility of problems being created in this area by these people who have come in?
Yes, absolutely. There is a possibility. We can't deny the possibility. And as I was saying, Pakistan has been very cautious towards its approach with respect to Bangladesh post ouster of Sheikh Hasina. It has been, you know, there is a difference between how China is operating within Bangladesh and how Pakistan is operating within Bangladesh. China has actually launched a very aggressive ingress, economic ingress I would say, within the country of Bangladesh. On the other hand, Pakistan is actually playing it a bit safe. It is weighing its option right now. As you rightly mentioned that there has been a visit of a few like forces people along with the ISI officials. After 2010 there's a huge gap, like after around 15 years they visited Bangladesh, and very interestingly they were given a tour of the military installations in and around the country. So this is very disturbing for us. Why do ISI officials need to visit the military installations within Bangladesh? So it is a sort of, you know, an alarming — I won't use the word alarming, but yes, GOI has to be a bit cautious on that sector.
Keeping aside all these, you know, government, like, activities at the government level, I would say we have to be very cautious about three terror organizations, LeT, JMB and AUT. As we all know the frontal organization of Lashkar, which is Jamatud Dawa, it has a very strong footprint within Bangladesh, yes, and it is also alarming for us because these people believe in proselytization activities, especially during, you know, a crisis situation like flood or earthquake. So they try to sort of engulf as many members as possible during a crisis situation, and we all know what is the agenda of Lashkar-e-Taiba and what is the agenda of Jamatud Dawa. So post August this organization has been quite active in the interiors of Bangladesh.
Secondly, as I was mentioning about Jamaat Mujahideen Bangladesh, which is a banned outfit which is based in Bangladesh, but it has a very strong presence in West Bengal and also in the northeastern states, especially in Assam, and also we have seen few instances in Tripura. And recently this month only, I think it was around 10th or 11th of May, a JMB module was busted in West Bengal by a special task force, and it resulted in the arrest of three JMB terrorist. And very unsurprisingly, I would say, the investigation has led to the point that these people have revealed that they have a Pakistani handler. And yes, yes, yes, they have a Pakistani handler, and they were given instructions to, you know, arrange for weapons, arms and ammunitions in the northeast of India and also in the state of West Bengal. Oh, I see.
That is the next point I want to bring to your notice. The present regime, Mohammad Yunus, he mentioned that we are in control of the seas, the northeast India is going to be cut off. Yes. Yes. Yes. Now you see this is a very major statement based on what I had mentioned, the, you know, Islam is coming into power. Now you see, even from the Turkey side, besides this militant organization you're talking of, Islamic Brotherhood is also having a presence in Southeast Asia. Yes. Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, where the population of the Islamic population is, even Islamic Brotherhood is also coming up. You know it's a very complex sort of a situation which has come into being in Bangla neighborhood.
Yes. But both sides actually, I would say Bangladesh, Pakistan, Afghanistan, the entire neighborhood is on fire actually. Yes. We have to be very careful of that. Yeah. Yes. And we have to be very cautious, and thankfully the war or skirmish ended within four days. People might not agree with what I'm saying, but you know the situation, the law and order situation in West Bengal right now is actually, the entire state is sitting on a time bar, whether we accept it or not. And as a Bengali I would detest from commenting on the law and order situation of this TMC, you know, regime in West Bengal, because chief minister of Assam has been very vocal in its support towards government of India with respect to vigilance of the border districts, chief minister of Tripura has been very cordial, you know, especially with the ingressing of Rohingyas and illegal Bangladeshies. But I don't know what is happening, nobody actually knows what is happening in the border regions of West Bengal.
I happen to have served in the northern part of West Bengal. Okay. Yes. As far as concerned the borderland, and the people who came in from Bangladesh have been pushed back to quite an extent. Now Bodoland is now quiet. Yes. Coming down to North Bengal. Yes. There is a problem. These people are coming to the tea estates. Now tea estates are very wide, with very, you know, being controlled by certain companies. So that is going to be a problem in the area of Alipur and further towards Siliguri, that side, and yeah, New Jalpaiguri, yes.
So you have to want to say something sir? Yeah, I wanted to know about this, the construction of some airport close to Siliguri. Can you explain on that, that can we have a strategic problems for India? The situation as it is at the moment is almost in a state of flux as far as Bangladesh is concerned. It cannot be definite that they will continue to support or continue to be neutral. But meanwhile the Chinese ingress and the Chinese hobnobbing with the Bangladesh, how do you react to this situation?
It is very interesting question actually, and with regard to this airport, it was actually revived. The airport is being revived. It was already there during the second world war, the Lalmonirhat airport, which is in the proximity, about 12 to 15 kilometer range within the Indo Bangladesh border. And China, somewhere close to Bogra I guess. Exactly, exactly. And China is actually trying to revive it, is not constructing anything, it is reviving the already constructed airport. And I think during late 1950s there were few civilian, like, movement of civilian aircraft, but then it was stopped. But the operation was halted. Now China is also building few solar power stations and factories in and around Rangpur, which actually borders the Indian state of Meghalaya. Rangpur is just below Meghalaya. So it is also a very much, the government needs to be, you know, what to say, we have to be very cautious about what China is doing.
And apart from the infrastructural level, like there have been, I think eight MoUs signed between Bangladesh and China, PRC and Bangladesh government, they signed eight MoUs in the sector of like sports, media, news exchange. They might seem very benign, you know, sports, media, you know, but this shows the outreach, the future outreach China will have inside Bangladesh, the way it is right now doing in Sri Lanka.
You see what has happened is, say, may I say, China last year, Mr. Mohammad Yunus to China was to get money and also military equipment. They have got three submarines from China. Yes. Where is the sea threat to Bangladesh to have got three submarines? This airport which is being revived south of the chicken neck or the Siliguri corridor. Bangladesh has a very small air force which actually is no threat to India per se. When this airport comes into being, with the support being renewed by the help of the Chinese, I feel if the Chinese are going to be controlling this airfield, which is a threat to India. Absolutely. This is close to the chicken neck corridor. Yes sir. This particular airport is also very close to the chicken neck corridor in that area, and the help of China is obviously there. I mean China must be having some interest, ultimately in some stage they'll be able to get some use of this particular.
China is actually flexing its muscle in South Asia, if I may use this word, whether it is in Pakistan or it is in Bangladesh, it's actually flexing its muscle, the way it always does in every sector. Now India also has a possibility of having some stake in the Bagram airport in Afghanistan. It is a recent report which has come. Now Taliban is actually considering giving some space to Indian government in control of the Bagram airport. Now we have to see how things, you know, materialize in coming weeks. Then we can, you know, have a counter. If that proposal materializes we might have a sort of a counter towards, you know, China's ingression in Bangladesh by our ingression towards the Xinjiang area of China.
Another point, General Deepak, you would like to I think explain and elaborate, and then the speaker can also give, that is the reference to the planned railways line between Siliguri to northeastern state via Bangladesh, as what time was thought of during the time of Sheikh Hasina government, you know that. Yes sir. Now what will be the plight of this, I mean how will react ultimately, because this planned railway station is no longer at the moment, at this moment is not in the view of Bangladesh. It means it's almost abandoned. What are your views? You can ask further.
Yes sir. Actually the India's policy was look east. The foreign policy was look east. When you say look east, it was a rail and road communication going through Bangladesh, Myanmar, Thailand, right up to Vietnam. And it was going okay till the time Sheikh Hasina was in power, it was going okay, but now look east thing, as far as the communication is concerned, road and rail communication, I think that I don't know what is the condition of that. I will request you.
Okay sir. As we all know these projects were actually very crucial for linking northeastern states with the mainland of the country. Okay. Now there were actually three parts of the railway project. I'm like signifying, I'm giving a focus on the railway project connecting Dhaka and Agartala, Khulna and Mongla, and Kulabari and Shabaspur. So these were the separate zones of railway projects which are now on halt. Now what the government of India is doing actually, it is trying to explore alternatives through Bhutan and Nepal, you know, you just go upward rather than going down from the down side to avoid this connect thing. The government of India is thinking of connecting northeast through Bhutan and Nepal. I don't know how much time would it take and how many years would it take, and you know the operational challenges, because the terrain is very different. It's actually flat land, you know, you don't need much of a, you know, engineering marvel, but Bhutan and Nepal, sorry Bhutan especially, it is not a flat land. So how government is going to, you know, deal with those challenges, geographical challenges, it is something which we have to, like, you know, we will see in coming years I would say, not months, in years we will see how it happens.
So would it be prudent to state that the road and rail communication systems which were being in Bangladesh put on hold because of the change in regime which has taken place there? Yes actually sir, these are all ways, you know, the way we have, like there has been an abeyance of the Indus water treaty, these are also ways of putting pressure on a government. We can never say that, you know, the caretaker government is pro-India. The way they are behaving with the Awami League we all know, and India also has a very stern, you know, stance with respect to Sheikh Hasina. And this we have to, like, you know, understand the fact that this is not the first time that she has stayed, she has been in India previously, I think from 75 to 81 her entire family was here in New Delhi, Pandara road. So we have given her shelter previously also. And because the Government of India has given asylum to Sheikh Hasina, the entire onus has been on the government of India from the official side of Bangladesh. And as we know that these are just measures to deal with the crisis situation, halting of railway lines or, you know, these, what to say, blocking of road connections between the two countries, these are just a ploy the government of India is using in order to pressurize the government, caretaker government of Yunus.
And it will have a, I mean, maybe temporary. Since India has closed the land routes entering into Meghalaya, Assam, West Bengal etc from Bangladesh, so it will certainly impact the items which are being, I mean the items and articles and the material which is coming from Bangladesh to India, and vice versa also. That how will this, will it not seriously affect the economy of our country as well as the force of Bangladesh, and how will it ultimately, you know, how will the people react? Because so long you are saying is a temporary mayor, but if the cordial relations are not maintained ultimately with Bangladesh, problem when you have the clear of this side, it will affect the economy of particularly the small traders in India. What is your view Dr.?
Sir, actually government of India is actually trying to reduce its reliance on Bangladesh transit routes, to be very frank, by actually operationalizing the Kaladan multimodal transit transport project. We are avoiding Bangladesh in a way, like the northeast of India will be connected to Kolkata through the Sittwe port. That is what we are planning for a long-term, you know, what to say, viability of our goods, for our, you know, what to say, transit and transportation of goods from mainland India towards the northeast. If we take the Kaladan route, if we take the Sittwe port route, then it can easily reach northeast. That is one of the factors which we have to keep in mind. And secondly, with respect to Bangladesh, I can say the government sector has actually taken the hit because of, you know, these restrictions.
My view is that it's going to affect Bangladesh very adversely. You see, they were taking yarn from here to have the apparel industry there, the apparel industry doing extremely well, a very large quantity, the apparel was coming into India, Bhutan and Nepal. Exactly. Now with the land transit stop, they say you get it by sea, the cost will go up. Exactly. The cost, time will go up, and you know you can put the screws anywhere for that matter, as you were talking about putting the pressure. Yes, we have certain pressure points, river understanding, barrage. So we have, like, what we did with the Indus water treaty, we have our screws which can be tightened anytime for that matter, depending on how our neighbor reacts to us. Exactly.
Another point which just has got to me, that can at some future date, let's say some future date or some future times to come, let's say Bangladesh get closer to Pakistan and also China of course, then it can cause problems in India in many ways, because ingress of Bangladeshies and Rohingyas particularly on in the border areas of Bengal and Assam, they may increase. Then the silent modules of these terrorists, they may have ingress, they may push into. That means as far as India is concerned, it has to be very cautious about the approach to Bangladesh, because it is going ultimately again going to affect the harmony inside India if this ingress takes place. So I am thinking that this ingress of Bangladesh and Rohingyas is already there to some extent in the border state of Bengal and Assam as you know, is already there, but supposing at some future date Bangladesh get closer to Pakistan also and also China, then the situation will be rather difficult and problematic as far as India is concerned. What is your view at length Dr. Sanjita, please tell us. So we'll not like to interfere because you have a van about this thing, and you tell us what could we do in that case.
Sir, actually this is a very complicated situation with respect to Rohingyas, and the figures which we have, like UNHCR has given a figure of around 22,000 illegal Rohingya staying within India, and we know 20,000, 22,000 is nothing, it is not even the tip of an iceberg, and the figure is extremely minuscule. And most importantly, I think I have also mentioned it in our previous discussion, Prime Minister of India has also stated the growing activities of Rohingya in the state of Jharkhand. Yes. It is actually very alarming situation because Jharkhand is not a bordering state. We have seen, like I actually come from northeast, so we have seen Rohingya presence as far as Arunachal Pradesh in northeast. So because I can understand the dialect, I can make a difference between a person speaking Bangladeshi Bengali and a person who speaking Rohingya language. Okay. Yes.
So they have made their ingress till Arunachal Pradesh, tip of Arunachal Pradesh, in the eastern side, and also I would say to Bikaner in the western side. So it is actually a pan India problem right now. Like we have seen there has been few demolitions, illegal demolitions, in Ahmedabad in like I think past few weeks we have seen, and these were actually illegal, what to say, shanties of Rohingyas. Rohingyas have also made their presence very much clear in Ladakh. As far as Ladakh, they are present, yes, they are present in Ladakh. They are present very much in and around Jammu. They are present very much in and around Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Uttarakhand always had a problem of illegal Bangladeshi ingress, and now the Rohingyas have been the add-on factor. So we can't say that, you know, it is a very critical situation, and it is no more a border state problem. It is actually becoming a pan-India problem. Yes. Yes.
And as I was just mentioning, the state government of Tripura and Assam, they have been very proactive, and the state government of West Bengal, we all know what is happening right now in that province. So the situation is alarming and we have to be very much alert. Like the government is now, you know, talking about all these, what to say, not rehabilitation of Rohingyas, but you have to, like, at least we should have official account of how many illegal Rohingyas are staying in India. And most importantly, nobody talks about it, we are not a signatory of the international refugee convention. We don't have any obligation towards Rohingya, or as a matter of fact towards Bangladeshies who are illegally crossing our borders and, you know, taking up the jobs of common Indian people. We are not at all legally, like, obligated to provide them shelter.
What you're saying is right. What I have seen with my own eyes when I was in North Bengal, the trade of cattle was going on with these people who had infiltrated into India, and sending cattle in large numbers across the border. And I've seen, and I had mentioned to someone, he says I'll take action.
Now one more very important question. You see the elections in Bangladesh are being postponed. Yes. I think the present regime say the elections will be held by end of this year or beginning of next year. But they have banned Awami League. Yes. Awami League is being supported by the minorities and the Hindus. What happens is, is likely to be a problem in Bangladesh in terms of civil strikes between these people?
Sir, actually right now, my assessment I would say, there are three power centers in Bangladesh, one with the Jamaat and the right-wing organizations, one is with the BNP, and the third, very dormant, is army as of now. So there is a power struggle amongst these three centers. And with respect to Awami League actually, no, the ban has actually weaponized the radical elements against the supporters and party workers of Awami League. This is not a political move. Banning of Awami League is not at all a political move. It is actually a personal vendetta against Sheikh Hasina. Okay. It is a personal vendetta against the Awami League and the legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The way we saw, very pertinent point, when the uprising — I will never say that it was a student uprising, it was always a Jamaat-e-Islami backed uprising of hooligans — when that uprising took place, what were they attacking? They were attacking the symbols of Muktijuddho. They were attacking the symbols of their own national glory. Yes. They were actually, you know, attacking their own heritage. They were destroying the statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. They vandalized statues not only of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman but other freedom fighters. They vandalized Shahid Minar. So what was the objective? The objective came out in a very open and ugly way, that they have nothing to do with Muktijuddho. They have nothing to do with the sacrifice of their own countrymen who were slaughtered by the Khan Sena, as they say, the Pak army. And now it has become, you know, very complicated because there has been a systematic hate campaign against Sheikh Hasina and her supporters and party workers.
I like to intercede here one minute Dr. Keeping in view the flux situation of elections, likely election etc in Bangladesh, keeping in view our hostility, I will not call hostility, or almost it is amounting to hostility, conflict with Pakistan, will it be suggestious, and I mean in the interest of India, to continue to give asylum to Hasina in India? Do you think that at some stage we may have to think of asking her to go to some other countries, or do you think, no, it will help us to keep her here?
I think so sir, come what may I would say, if she doesn't get a safe, like what you say, alternative in UK or in UAE or in Dubai, which she's not getting, there's no point us handing over to her, because we would be handing her to wolves. It is as simple as that. And already a lot many corruption charges and criminal cases have been lodged against Sheikh Hasina, her family members, and the trials would start very soon. So they are actually in the path of declaring Sheikh Hasina as a criminal. It might happen by end of this year or maybe in coming years, but they have already started the process. We are already in a very bad shape. Whether we hand her over to Bangladesh or not won't change anything for us, because the entire country, I would say, apart from few minorities and minuscule supporters of Awami League, the general, what to say, sentiment of the country is very anti-India. And all these elements, whether it is BNP, Hefazat, or Jamaat, or you know Ansar Bangla, or Islam, all these elements, the common factor is anti-India, you know, hatred, and this is also a binding force between these forces, these rightist Islamist groupings, and Pakistan. Their common agenda is actually their hate towards India, and I would say the democratic structure of India more importantly.
Because what is happening right now, the army is actually trying to control the situation. The law and order has gone on to dogs in Bangladesh. Like we are tracking the news, what is happening, there's been rampant cases of robbery, rape, assault, road rage, murder, abduction, and not only, you know, targeting the minorities, it has become a countrywide situation right now. And army, even to the point of the air force base being attacked by hooligans, which happened last, I think it happened somewhere in end of March, and then Waker-Uz-Zaman came up very sternly, and he is, I would say, he is also weighing his options very silently, whether the army would take over the government or not. We have to see in coming months, but my hunch is there that army is going to play a very decisive role, because it wants election as soon as possible.
You know, that was a question I was about to ask you. I have also learned somewhere there's a lot of differences between the chief of the army staff and norm. Yes, this have come up, and what you have just clarified that, but that was the question I was to ask you about it. What is the relationship between the chief of the army staff and the present caretaker? No problem sir. It is not very cordial, because army wants election, and most importantly army wanted an inclusive election.
No, I'll ask one more question, but not question actually, it is a question of learning something on the subject from an expert. I feel that irrespective of this policy decision, and we discuss something diplomatic decision and all, keeping Hasina with you, is it, you talk about strategic point of view, is it worthwhile to keep her here? I mean there are two views. We are keeping the Lama for years and years and years, we are going to keep. Are you going to keep for years and years also Hasina with you? And strategically will it be correct that to support one particular individual? Of course that individual is very closely concerned with the person who liberated Bangladesh. I mean I'm not saying that he had not helped the Muktijuddho at that stage when Bangladesh was, because was entire family of Mujibur Rahman which has helped. I know these are soft areas towards, but what do you think strategically, should we continue to keep, if the situation as you say is developing so difficult as far as Bangladesh is concerned? Lot of lawlessness is there. The sway of the Islamist elements is much more. Pakistan would like to create problem for India coming to Bangladesh. China has already started having some bases or some negotiations with Bangladesh. But will it be strategically correct to continue to give asylum to Hasina?
Sir, actually if we talk about strategy, that means we should not even have considered given her asylum at the first point. Yeah. Once we have done that, we are actually preserving the idea of Bangladesh. She is not a person. She is actually icon of that idea, and by giving her shelter we are actually respecting the core of Bangladesh as an independent sovereign country, which Pakistan and China will not allow to happen. I might sound a bit emotional. The thing is that we are actually preserving the independent concept which was behind the formation of Bangladesh. And we have to be very much, you know, careful about, you know, analyzing the moves of Bangladeshi army right now, because Bangladeshi army was hellbent, as I was mentioning, in an inclusive election, that means it also wanted participation of the Awami League. Yes.
Which Yunus and NCP, the national, this new party which has cropped up, all these hooligans, they have now formed a new party called NCP, all these, you know, so-called young students leader, they are not in favor of Hasina coming back. They are not in favor of giving political space to Awami League, and so the rightist Islamist elements are also not in favor of giving scope to Awami League. But very interestingly I would say BNP is actually in a way tacitly supporting Awami League's political, you know, standpoint, because BNP knows that once the league is gone from the scene, BNP is the next target. Correct. Right. So in order to save its own position, now BNP is trying to be a bit sympathetic, I would say, towards Awami League.
So this is the entire, you know, what to say, the entirety of the situation right now. We have to hope for a very early election, which I think would not happen, because this is asking for, which BNP is asking for, yes, BNP is asking, army saying inclusive, and these student organizations and the rightist also has this, you know, they have this agenda of Shariat. We are talking about a welfare Islamic state right now. We very well know what a welfare Islamic state would emerge in coming, you know, years, because I would say that if not Pakistan, Bangladesh, if we analyze the society, the sociological structure, it is actually unfortunately heading towards to be the new Afghanistan. No. So for that reason only, in terms of keeping identity, so we keeping or we handing her over to the Bangladeshi caretaker government won't change our situation. Correct. So the concept of Bangladesh is very important. Yes.
How many soldiers? I don't know sir how many soldiers have sacrificed, Indian soldiers have sacrificed their lives for the formation of Bangladesh. Right, right. Continue. I mean 30,000, maybe 30,000 Indian soldiers have sacrificed their life, 1971 war. So we also have our stake, whether we like it or not. Our government has always been very benevolent, I would, I'm very consciously using this word benevolent, towards Bangladesh. Yes. So we have our stake. You know, it is also about our prestige. Yeah. You can't just, you know, hand her over to these Islamist wolves. Yeah. Yeah. We, great difficulty, will get got it, and no, and it would change their outlook towards India. They won't never have any, you know, what to say, cordial approach towards India, because their problem is basically with the democratic culture of India. All these Islamist organizations wants to have a Sharia ruled Bangladesh, and within the ambit of Sharia there is no space for democracy. That's right. Quite right. Yes.
Deepak, you may continue, and thank, whatever you want to say further, because I had to intervene at times. Yes. Tell, continue. Please give your thanks. It was a very fruitful discussion that we have had. We touched a large number of points, and we just hope that our eastern neighbor is as good as what it was earlier. Exactly. And Sanjita, you have summed up the things very well, and the one thing which struck me is that, hey, Sheikh Hasina is the icon of Bangladesh, and that's a very pertinent point that you brought. Sir, I have nothing, we may like to sum up sir. No, no, no, it's sufficient, you sum up there. Thank you very much. I only intervene there. We have to thank, thank you, very nice, and we get round as well, very nice meeting, fruitful session for all of us, and particularly to learn from Dr. Sanjita. I mean the whole canvas we have gone through, in fact we have not restricted only to the reaction of Bangladesh and of our conflict, but we have gone through the entire canvas of the Bangladesh present situation etc. Thank you very much indeed. Thank you sir. Thank you, for all the best. Thank you. Wish you all the best. Bye. See you.
